The Michael Rubin Rubik’s Cube: Parroting Iran’s Mullahs
As the Iranian regime reels from the fallout of its disastrous parliamentary “elections” in March, Michael Rubin emerges once again as its faithful apologist, wielding his pen as a cudgel against the very opposition, the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK), which most threatens the regime's survival. Rubin's actions epitomize a desperate allegiance to a regime teetering on the brink of collapse, showcasing a flagrant disregard for truth and justice.
Rubin's pattern of rushing to the regime’s rescue is glaringly evident, particularly over the past two years. For example, days after Iranian dissidents infiltrated the regime's presidency's computer servers last May, Rubin swiftly came to the regime's defense, unleashing yet another barrage of invective against the MEK.
Rubin’s claims have been debunked more times than a flat-earther's theories. His unfounded claims, mere replicas of narratives disseminated by Iranian intelligence services, have been repeatedly debunked (in 2006, 2011, 2021, August 2022, November 2022, January 2023, February 2023, March 2023, April 2023, June 2023, and October 2023). Indeed, as a purveyor of fanciful tales within Washington's circles, his assertions are devoid of substance and integrity, unworthy of serious consideration.
Rubin's audacious dismissal of the MEK's unyielding patriotism and steadfast principles during the Iran-Iraq War, in his latest diatribe, is not merely laughable; it is a profound insult to the memory of those who fought valiantly for Iran's freedom. While Rubin likely idled away his time at the tender age of 9 when the conflict erupted, the MEK stood resolute on the front lines, bravely defending Iranian soil and making immense sacrifices in the noble pursuit of liberty.
Rubin's “expertise” seems to lie in dodging the truths of history rather than confronting them head-on. In a series of articles in 1980, the MEK's official publication, Mojahed, which had the largest circulation among all of Iran’s newspapers at the time, declared the organization’s readiness to continue fighting at the fronts against Iraqi troops. A State Department unclassified report sent to U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Lee Hamilton in 1984 confirmed the MEK's active participation in defending Iran against Iraq's invasion. It noted: “Iraq invaded Iran (September 1980) … Mujahedin units went to the front immediately. They were tolerated by the fundamentalists only in the first hectic days of the war, and most were soon expelled.”
If Rubin's stories were any taller, they'd need oxygen tanks. His feeble attempts to distort the MEK's advocacy for autonomy within Iran's territorial integrity expose not only his contempt for truth but also his intellectual dishonesty. The MEK's unwavering commitment to securing autonomy for Iran's diverse nationalities within the framework of the country’s territorial integrity is well-documented. However, Rubin's deliberate mischaracterization of the MEK's stance as promoting ethnic separatism reveals his own ideological biases and his blind adherence to the regime's deceitful narratives. In the immortal words of John Adams, "Facts are stubborn things," yet Rubin's blatant disregard for these stubborn facts only serves to underscore his intellectual and moral bankruptcy. One can't help but wonder if Rubin's grasp of reality is as tenuous as his claims against the MEK, or if he's simply juggling truths like a novice circus performer.
Rubin's refusal to acknowledge the devastating toll of the Iran-Iraq War, exacerbated by Khomeini's reckless pursuit of power, is a slap in the face to the millions of Iranians who suffered and died as a result of the regime's warmongering. The regime's callous disregard for human life is underscored by the staggering death toll among Iranian youth, sacrificed as cannon fodder to prolong Khomeini's grip on power.
Major Gen. Yahya Rahim Safavi, the current senior advisor to the regime’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, and former Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), said on December 1, 2013: “[Khomeini] managed to deploy about two million forces to the front. In addition to the forces that were required to be present on the front, about one million schoolboys were present during the war.” On September 24, 2016, Azizollah Shahbazi, commander of the Abadan special forces in southwest Iran, told Arvand press: “In 1985, a school with 700 students was closed to go to the front.” On October 31, 1997, former regime president Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani acknowledged that about 36,000 schoolboys were killed after the regime sent them to the front, including children as young as 12.
That is partially why the MEK consistently sought an end to the devastating Iran-Iraq War, recognizing its toll on Iranian lives and the nation's strategic resources. Ultimately, in the wake of Iraq's withdrawal from Iranian territory, the MEK took a stand with pride, advocating for peace, a move aimed at halting Khomeini's deployment of innocent children to the inferno of war. The peace plan proposed by the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) in March 1983 garnered backing from over 5,000 parliamentarians, as well as current and former officials from 57 countries. Iraq accepted the plan as workable basis to arrive at a negotiated settlement. Five years later, Khomeini was forced, as he put it, to “drink the chalice of poison of ceasefire.” Shame should fall upon those who, under the pretext of defending the nation — at a time when the regime explicitly declared its intention to capture Karbala — endorsed the regime's a belligerent strategy that resulted in the slaughter of tens of thousands of children; a policy as reprehensible as it was tragic."
The irrefutable truth remains: approximately 80-90% of the cataclysmic toll exacted by the Iran-Iraq War transpired after 1982, emblematic of Khomeini's callous perpetuation of conflict for his own Machiavellian ends. Despite Iraq's withdrawal from Iranian territory and its expressed willingness for peace in 1982, Khomeini callously persisted in aggression, weaponizing the conflict to fortify his stranglehold on power, coining the motto of “liberating Qods via Karbala.” His calculated exploitation of regional crises mirrors the regime's present-day manipulations, manifested in the turmoil unfolding in Gaza and the Red Sea.
Rubin's columns are so warmly embraced by Iranian state media, you'd think they were cozying up with a blanket on a cold Tehran night. Whether it's Alef, Raja News, SNN, Farda News, Mehr News, Bultan News, ISNA, the Qods Force's Young Journalists Club, or Khamenei’s mouthpiece Kayhan, raising serious questions about his true allegiances and motivations. This symbiotic relationship between Rubin and the regime sheds light on his role as a willing mouthpiece for a theocratic tyranny notorious for its disinformation and suppression of dissent.
Following the 2003 war in Iraq, while American soldiers faced grave dangers from targeted attacks, facilitated by Iranian-made weaponry, Rubin shamelessly collaborated with the regime's intelligence operative, Ahmad Chalabi, further endangering American lives. His willingness to consort with individuals directly implicated in the loss of American servicemembers lays bare a profound moral deficit, revealing a stark absence of ethical bearings in his own conduct.
Michael Rubin's unrelenting crusade to vilify the MEK has no place within Washington think tanks, including those that afford him a platform. For the sake of their own credibility and reputation, they should expel this charlatan posing as a scholar.